2015-01-16 (Fri)
戦後の日本人は、正しい歴史を学校で教わって来ませんでした。
そして、現代のメディアもまた、嘘の情報を流し続けています。
私たち日本人は、親日的な立場に立ち、正しく認識し直し、
客観的に情勢を判断する必要があります。
今年の一冊目は、もちろん、この方、「青山 繁晴さん」です♥
それでは、こちらの本を見ていきましょう！
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『 ２５歳の彼女（清水秘書）に、ふと聞いてみました。「士農工商という言葉を知ってる？」
ぼくの世代、あるいは敗戦後の多くの世代は
「江戸時代には士農工商という階級制があり、武士の下に農民、その下に職人、さらにその下に商人がいて、差別の温床にもなっていた」
と学校で教わりました。
ところがこの話が真っ赤な嘘だと次第に分かってきて、現在の学校教育ではもう教えていないはずだし、
マスメディアでは差別を助長する用語として使われなくなっているから、若い清水秘書は「士農工商」という言葉をもう知らないかなと思ったのです。
ちなみに、その士農工商をしきりに教えていた頃は、百姓という言葉は農民に対してだけ使う言葉であり、しかも見下すニュアンスのある言葉だと教わりましたね。
これも嘘です。
（※百姓とは、農業従事者に限らず農村に住む民のすべて、の意）
江戸時代には、士農工商などという身分制度はなく、あったのは武士と町民、百姓の違いだけで、それも町民は要は都市に住んでいるという意味しかなく、そのなかに工も商もいたわけです。百姓も同じで、農村に住んでいるというだけですから、農だけではなく工（村の職人）も商（村の商人）もそれなりに居たのです。
清水秘書は答えました。
「え？もちろん、知ってますよ。江戸時代の身分制てす。」
彼女は有名な進学校を経て国立大学の法学系を卒業しています。…
ぼくは驚きました。
「きみの時代にまだ、そうやって教えていたのか。それは嘘なんだよ」
彼女はもっと驚きました。
「え、え？そんな話、これまで学校でもメディアでも、どんな勉強会でも聞いたことがありません」
士農工商は、…革命などと同じように中国語です。身分を固定することを狙ってつくられた宗教的な思想体系である儒教でも使われた言葉です。ただし中国語での「士」とは武士ではなく、官僚のことです。
これを江戸時代の身分制のように言い始めたのは、明治維新後が最初です。
江戸時代を野蛮な過去の遺物にし、維新を強調する狙いがあったとぼくは考えています。
これがさらに教育現場で一般化してしまい社会常識にもなったのは、敗戦後に共産主義・社会主義、さらに反日を掲げる教師がどっと日本の学校に溢れてからです。 』
いかがでしょうか？
戦前にいた、共産主義者や社会主義者は、平和な日本に「革命」を起こそうと活動していました。
今風に言えば、テロリストです。
だから、何千人ものテロリストが逮捕されていました。
ところが、敗戦後、GHQはテロリストどもを釈放し、学校やメディア関係を中心に職を与えました。
なぜでしょう？
日本人の記憶を塗り替えるためでした。
本当に、アジアを解放しようと必死に戦ったのが日本であるという事実を消すためでした。
そして、戦前のテロリストの弟子、つまり自称『日本の左翼、つまり護憲派・リベラル派と称する人』たちが、戦後７０年の間に、今も脈々とその思想を受け継いでいるのです。
ですから、朝日新聞をはじめとするメディアに、そのような戦前のテロリストの弟子が数多く存在しているのです。
相変わらず、史実を歪めて報道を続け、大江健三郎などと共に、あの北朝鮮を褒め称えるのです。
中国や韓国と共に、『嘘』を唱え続けているのです。
もしも、日本人が正しい歴史認識を取り戻してしまうと、それは、『日本の左翼、つまり護憲派・リベラル派と称する人』にとって、あまりにも都合が良くないのです。
自分たちが、テロリスト思想を継承していることが、白日のもとに晒されてしまうからです。
自分たちの『嘘』が全てバレてしまうからです。
日教組にしても同様ですね。学校では『嘘』の授業を行い、子供たちにテロリスト思想の強制を行っています。
でも、本当の日本は、まこと正しかったんです。
いま、日本人に、その消された正しい歴史を取り戻す動きが、大きなうねりとなっていますね？
さぁ、取り戻しましょう！子供たちの未来のために♥
続きは次回に♥
リヒャルト・カール・フォン・ヴァイツゼッカー
1985年5月8日の連邦議会での演説の中の「過去に目を閉ざす者は結局のところ現在にも盲目となります」（永井清彦訳）という有名な一節は、演説が行われた当初は特に注目されていなかった。この一節を日本で最初に見出しにしたのは、岩波書店の雑誌「世界」1985年11月号で、朝日新聞も同年11月3日にコラムで取り上げている。岩波書店はさらに、1986年2月に演説全文を掲載したブックレット、1991年には単行本を出版している。この頃からこの一節が有名になり、歴史認識で韓国が日本を批判するのにも使われるようになった。しかし、演説の3日前にコール首相とレーガン米大統領がナチス親衛隊も埋葬されているビットブルク墓地を訪れ、ワイツゼッカーもレーガンに謝意を述べている。また演説の中には謝罪に当たるものはなく、「民族全体に罪があるということはない」「当時に子供だったり生まれていない人達が自分が手を下していない行為に対して罪を告白する事はできない」などと述べている。伊奈久喜は、これは日本の政治家が語れば「妄言」と批判されるかもしれない内容であり、ワイツゼッカー演説は史実とは異なる「神話」になった、と述べている。
『ヴァイツゼッカー演説』 （英語）
Many nations are today commemorating the date on which World War II ended in Europe.
（多くの国が、今日第二次世界大戦がヨーロッパで終了した日を記念している。）
Every nation is doing so with different feelings, depending on its fate.
（すべての国がその運命に従い、異なった感情でそうやっている。）
Be it victory or defeat, liberation from injustice and alien rule or transition to new dependence, division, new alliances, vast shifts of power - 8 May 1945 is a date of decisive historical importance for Europe.
（それは勝利または敗北、不正と外国の支配からの解放または新しい依存、分割、新しい同盟、力の大きな移行である-1945年5月8日は、ヨーロッパのにとっての決定的に歴史的重要な日です）
We Germans are commemorating that date amongst ourselves, as is indeed necessary.
（我々ドイツ人は、我々自身でも、まさしくその日を祝っています）
We must find our own standards. We are not assisted in this task if we or others spare our feelings.We need and we have the strength to look truth straight in the eye – without embellishment and without distortion.
For us, the 8th of May is above all a date to remember what people had to suffer. It is also a date to reflect on the course taken by our history. The greater honesty we show in commemorating this day, the freer we are to face the consequences with due responsibility.
For us Germans, 8 May is not a day of celebration.
（我々ドイツ人にとって、5月8日は祝賀の日でありません。 ）
Those who actually witnessed that day in 1945 think back on highly personal and hence highly different experiences.
（実際に1945年のその日を目の当たりにした人々は、個々人が非常に異なった体験を思い出します。）
Some returned home, others lost their homes.
（家に帰った者もいれば、家を失った者もいた。）
Some were liberated, whilst for others it was the start of captivity.
（解放された者もいれば、監禁になった者もいた。）
Many were simply grateful that the bombing at night and fear had passed and that they had survived.
（多くの者は、夜の空爆と恐怖が過ぎ去った、そして、彼らが生き残ったので、感謝しました。）
Others felt first and foremost grief at the complete defeat suffered by their country. Some Germans felt bitterness about their shattered illusions, whilst others were grateful for the gift of a new start.
It was difficult to find one's bearings straight away. Uncertainty prevailed throughout the country.
The military capitulation was unconditional, placing our destiny in the hands of our enemies.
（軍【ナチス】の降伏は無条件であり、敵の手に運命を委ねました。）
The past had been terrible, especially for many of those enemies, too.
（それらの敵の多くにとってもまた、過去は大変なものでした）
Would they not make us pay many times over for what we had done to them?
Most Germans had believed that they were fighting and suffering for the good of their country.
（大部分のドイツ人は、彼ら【ナチス】が国民のために戦っていて、苦しんでいると思っていました。）
And now it turned out that their efforts were not only in vain and futile, but had served the inhuman goals of a criminal regime.
（そして、今、彼ら【ナチス】の努力がまったくの無駄であったばかりではなく、犯罪政権【ナチス政権】の非人間的な目的にかなったことが、わかりました。 ）
The feelings of most people were those of exhaustion, despair and new anxiety. Had one's next of kin survived? Did a new start from those ruins make sense at all?
Looking back, they saw the dark abyss of the past and, looking forward, they saw an uncertain, dark future.
Yet with every day something became clearer, and this must be stated on behalf of all of us today: the 8th of May was a day of liberation.
（日ごと、より明白になりますが、これについては、今日、我々全員【ドイツ国民】に代わって述べられなければなりません：5月8日は、解放【ナチスからドイツ国民の】の日でした）
It liberated all of us from the inhumanity and tyranny of the National-Socialist regime.
（それは、我々全員を残忍さと国家社会党員体制【ナチス政権】の横暴から解放しました。）
Nobody will, because of that liberation, forget the grave suffering that only started for many people on 8 May. But we must not regard the end of the war as the cause of flight, expulsion and deprivation of freedom.
The cause goes back to the start of the tyranny that brought about war.
（原因は、戦争をもたらした独裁政治【ナチス政権】の誕生に始まります。）
We must not separate 8 May 1945 from 30 January 1933.
（我々は、「1933年1月30日」と「1945年5月8日」を切り離してはいけません。）
There is truly no reason for us today to participate in victory celebrations.
（我々が今日祝勝の場に参加する理由は、本当はありません。）
But there is every reason for us to perceive 8 May 1945 as the end of an aberration in German history, an end bearing seeds of hope for a better future.
（しかしながら、我々が1945年5月8日を、ドイツの歴史の異常の終わりとして、また、より良き将来に対する望みの種がもたらされたことを認めるあらゆる理由があります、 ）
8 May is a day of remembrance.
（5月8日は、記憶にとどめる日です。）
Remembering means recalling an occurrence honestly and undistortedly so that it becomes a part of our very beings.
（記憶にとどめるということは、それが我々のまさしくその存在の一部になるように、正直に、そして、ありのままに出来事を思い出すことを意味します。）
This places high demands on our truthfulness.
（これは、我々のその誠実さが高く求められています。）
Today we mourn all the dead of the war and the tyranny.
（今日、我々は戦争と独裁政権【ナチス政権】によるすべての死者を哀悼します。 ）
In particular we commemorate the six million Jews who were murdered in German concentration camps.
（特に、我々は、ドイツの強制収容所で殺された600万人のユダヤ人を記念します。）
We commemorate all nations who suffered in the war, especially the countless citizens of the Soviet Union and Poland who lost their lives.
（我々は、戦争で損害を受けたすべての国、特にソビエト連邦とポーランドの命を失った幾多の市民を記念します。
）
As Germans, we mourn our own compatriots who perished as soldiers, during air raids at home, in captivity or during expulsion.
（ドイツ人として、我々は、兵士として亡くなった同胞、母国における空襲で亡くなった同胞、捕虜の身あるいは追放の身で亡くなった同胞を哀悼します。）
We commemorate the Sinti and Romany gypsies, the homosexuals and the mentally ill who were killed, as well as the people who had to die for their religious or political beliefs.
We commemorate the hostages who were executed.
（我々は、処刑された人質を記念します。）
We recall the victims of the resistance movements in all the countries occupied by us.
As Germans, we pay homage to the victims of the German resistance – among the public, the military, the churches, the workers and trade unions, and the communists.
（ドイツ人として、我々は、市民、軍隊、教会、労働者と労働組合、そして共産主義者のなかのドイツ・レジスタンス【反ナチズム運動】の犠牲者に対する敬意を払います – 。）
We commemorate those who did not actively resist, but preferred to die instead of violating their consciences.
（我々は、活発に抵抗【反ナチズム運動】しなかったが、その良心に背く代わりに、死を選んだ人々を記念します。）
Alongside the endless army of the dead mountains of human suffering arise – grief at the dead, suffering from injury or crippling or barbarous compulsory sterilization, suffering during the air raids, during flight and expulsion, suffering because of rape and pillage, forced labour, injustice and torture, hunger and hardship, suffering because of fear of arrest and death, grief at the loss of everything which one had wrongly believed in and worked for. Today we sorrowfully recall all this human suffering.
.Perhaps the greatest burden was borne by the women of all nations. Their suffering, renunciation and silent strength are all too easily forgotten by history. Filled with fear, they worked, bore human life and protected it. They mourned their fallen fathers and sons, husbands, brothers and friends. In the years of darkness, they ensured that the light of humanity was not extinguished. After the war, with no prospect of a secure future, women everywhere were the first to set about building homes again, the "rubble women" in Berlin and elsewhere. When the men who had survived returned, women had to take a back seat again. Because of the war, many women were left alone and spent their lives in solitude. Yet it is first and foremost thanks to the women that nations did not disintegrate spiritually on account of the destruction, devastation, atrocities and inhumanity and that they gradually regained their foothold after the war.
At the root of the tyranny was Hitler's immeasurable hatred against our Jewish compatriots.
（独裁政治の根源は、我々のユダヤ人同胞に対するヒトラーの計り知れない憎悪でした。）
Hitler had never concealed this hatred from the public, but made the entire nation a tool of it.
（ヒトラーはこの憎悪を隠さず公にし、全国民をその道具にしました。）
Only a day before his death, on 30 April 1945, he concluded his socalled will with the words: "Above all, I call upon the leaders of the nation and their followers to observe painstakingly the race laws and to oppose ruthlessly the poisoners of all nations: international Jewry."
Hardly any country has in its history always remained free from blame for war or violence.
（いかなる国もその歴史において、その戦争または暴力による非難から逃れられませんでした。）
The genocide of the Jews is, however, unparalleled in history.
（しかし、ユダヤ人の大量虐殺は、歴史に他に類がないです。）
The perpetration of this crime was in the hands of a few people.
（この犯罪に手を下したのは、数人の人々でした。）
It was concealed from the eyes of the public, but every German was able to experience what his Jewish compatriots had to suffer, ranging from plain apathy and hidden intolerance to outright hatred.
（それは市民の目から隠されました。しかし、ユダヤ人同胞が苦しまなければならなかった、明白な無関心や隠れた不寛容、明白な憎悪までを、あらゆるドイツ人は経験することができました。）
Who could remain unsuspecting after the burning of the synagogues, the plundering, the stigmatization with the Star of David, the deprivation of rights, the ceaseless violation of human dignity? Whoever opened his eyes and ears and sought information could not fail to notice that Jews were being deported. The nature and scope of the destruction may have exceeded human imagination, but in reality there was, apart from the crime itself, the attempt by too many people, including those of my generation, who were young and were not involved in planning the events and carrying them out, not to take note of what was happening. There were many ways of not burdening one's conscience, of shunning responsibility, looking away, keeping mum. When the unspeakable truth of the Holocaust then became known at the end of the war, all too many of us claimed that they had not known anything about it or even suspected anything.
There is no such thing as the guilt or innocence of an entire nation.
（一民族全体の罪の有無などはありません。）
Guilt is, like innocence, not collective, but personal.
（罪とは、無実と同様に、集団ではなくて、個人的なものです。）
There is discovered or concealed individual guilt. There is guilt which people acknowledge or deny. Everyone who directly experienced that era should today quietly ask himself about his involvement then.
The vast majority of today's population were either children then or had not been born.
（今日の人口の圧倒的多数は、当時は子供であったか、もしくは生まれませんでした。）
They cannot profess a guilt of their own for crimes that they did not commit.
（彼らは、彼ら自身が犯さなかった罪に対して、その罪を明言することはできません。）
No discerning person can expect them to wear a penitential robe simply because they are Germans.
But their forefathers have left them a grave legacy. All of us, whether guilty or not, whether old or young, must accept the past. We are all affected by its consequences and liable for it. The young and old generations must and can help each other to understand why it is vital to keep alive the memories. It is not a case of coming to terms with the past. That is not possible. It cannot be subsequently modified or made undone. However, anyone who closes his eyes to the past is blind to the present. Whoever refuses to remember the inhumanity is prone to new risks of infection.
The Jewish nation remembers and will always remember. We seek reconciliation. Precisely for this reason we must understand that there can be no reconciliation without remembrance. The experience of millionfold death is part of the very being of every Jew in the world, not only because people cannot forget such atrocities, but also because remembrance is part of the Jewish faith.
"Seeking to forget makes exile all the longer; the secret of redemption lies in remembrance." This oft quoted Jewish adage surely expresses the idea that faith in God is faith in the work of God in history. Remembrance is experience of the work of God in history. It is the source of faith in redemption. This experience creates hope, creates faith in redemption, in reunification of the divided, in reconciliation. Whoever forgets this experience loses his faith.
If we for our part sought to forget what has occurred, instead of remembering it, this would not only be inhuman. We would also impinge upon the faith of the Jews who survived and destroy the basis of reconciliation. We must erect a memorial to thoughts and feelings in our own hearts.
The 8th of May marks a deep cut not only in ,German history but in the history of Europe as a whole. The European civil war had come to an end, the old world of Europe lay in ruins. "Europe had fought itself to a standstill" (M. Stürmer). The meeting of American and Soviet Russian soldiers on the Elbe became a symbol for the temporary end of a European era.
True, all this was deeply rooted in history.
（事実、こういうことは歴史にひどく根ざしていました。）
For a century Europe had suffered under the clash of extreme nationalistic aspirations.
（1世紀の間、ヨーロッパは極度の国家主義的熱望の衝突に苦しんでいました。）
At the end of the First World War peace treaties were signed but they lacked the power to foster peace.
（第一次世界大戦終了後、平和条約は調印されました。しかし、それらは平和を促す力に欠けて。 ）
Once more nationalistic passions flared up and were fanned by the distress of the people at that time.
（再び、国家主義的情熱は、当時の人々の貧苦によってあおられ燃え上がりました。）
Along the road to disaster Hitler became the driving force.
（惨事への道を、ヒトラーは推進力になりました。）
He wipped up and exploited mass hysteria.
A weak democracy was incapable of stopping him.
（弱い民主主義は、彼を止めることができませんでした。）
And even the powers of Western Europe – in Churchill's judgement unsuspecting but not without guilt – contributed through their weakness to this fateful trend. After the First World War America had withdrawn and in the thirties had no influence on Europe.
Hitler wanted to dominate Europe and to do so through war.
（ヒトラーは、ヨーロッパを支配、戦争を通して、そうしたかったです。）
He looked for and found an excuse in Poland.
（彼は、ある弁明をポーランドに見出だしました。）
On 23 May 1939 he told the German generals:
（1939年5月23日に、彼はドイツの将軍に言いました）
"No further successes can be gained without bloodshed... Danzig is not the objective.
（『更なる成功は、流血なしで得られない... ダンツィヒ【ドイツから切り離された東プロイセン最大の港湾都市】は、目的ではない）
Our aim is to extend our Lebensraum in the East and safeguard food supplies...
（東方に我々の生存圏【地政学用語】を広げることと、食物供給を保護することが我々の狙いだ）
So there is no question of sparing Poland;
（ポーランドを使わない手は無い）
and there remains the decision to attack Poland at the first suitable opportunity...The object is to deliver the enemy a blow, or the annihilating blow, at the start. In this, law, injustice or treaties do not matter."
On 23 August 1939 Germany and the Soviet Union signed a non-aggression pact.
（1939年8月23日に、ドイツとソビエト連邦は、不可侵条約に調印しました。）
The secret supplementary protocol made provision for the impending partition of Poland.
That pact was made to give Hitler an opportunity to invade Poland.
（その協定は、ヒトラーにポーランドを侵略する機会を与えさせられました。）
The Soviet leaders at the time were fully aware of this.
（ ソビエト連邦の指導者は、これにその時に完全に気づいていました。）
And all who understood politics realized that the implications of the German-Soviet pact were Hitler's invasion of Poland and hence the Second World War.
（そして、政治の分かる人すべてが、ドイツ・ソビエト協定がヒトラーのポーランド侵攻と、それ故の第二次世界大戦を暗に意味すると理解しました。）
That does not mitigate Germany's responsibility for the outbreak of the Second World War.（それは、第二次世界大戦の勃発に対するドイツの責任を軽くしません。）
The Soviet Union was prepared to allow other nations to fight one another so that it could have a share of the spoils. The initiative for the war, however, came from Germany, not from the Soviet Union.
It was Hitler who resorted to the use of force.
（実力行使に向かったのは、ヒトラーでした。）
The outbreak of the Second World War remains linked with the name of Germany.
In the course of that war the Nazi regime tormented and defiled many nations.
（その戦争の間に、ナチ体制は、多くの国を苦しめて、汚しました。）
At the end of it all only one nation remained to be tormented, enslaved and defiled: the German nation.
Time and again Hitler had declared that if the German nation was not capable of winning the war it should be left to perish. The other nations first became victims of a war started by Germany before we became the victims of our own war.
The division of Germany into zones began on the 8th of May. In the meantime the Soviet Union had taken control in all countries of Eastern and South-eastern Europe that had been occupied by Germany during the war. All of them, with the exception of Greece, became socialist states. The division of Europe into two different political systems took its
course. True, it was the post-war developments which cemented that division, but without the war started by Hitler it would not have happened at all. That is what first comes to the minds of the nations concerned when they recall the war unleashed by the German leaders. And we think of that too when we ponder the division of our own country and the
loss of huge sections of German territory. In a sermon in East Berlin commemorating the 8th of May, Cardinal Meißner said: "The pathetic result of sin is always division."
The arbitrariness of destruction continued to be felt in the arbitrary distribution of burdens. There were innocent people who were persecuted and guilty ones who got away. Some were lucky to be able to begin life all over again at home in familiar surroundings. Others were expelled from the lands of their fathers. We in what was to become the Federal
Republic of Germany were given the priceless opportunity to live in freedom. Many millions of our countrymen have been denied that opportunity to this day.
Learning to accept mentally this arbitrary allocation of fate was the first task, alongside the material task of rebuilding the country. That had to be the test of the human strength to recognize the burdens of others, to help bear them over time, not to forget them. It had to be the test of our ability to work for peace, of our willingness to foster the spirit of
reconciliation both at home and in our external relations, an ability and a readiness which not only others expected of us but which we most of all demanded of ourselves.
We cannot commemorate the 8th of May without being conscious of the great effort required on the part of our former enemies to set out on the road of reconciliation with us.Can we really place ourselves in the position of relatives of the victims of the Warsaw ghetto or of the Lidice massacre? And how hard must it have been for the citizens of Rotterdam or London to support the rebuilding of our country from where the bombs came which not long before had been dropped on their cities? To be able to do so they had gradually to gain the assurance that the Germans would not again try to make good their defeat by use of force.
In our country the biggest sacrifice was demanded of those who had been driven out of their homeland. They were to experience suffering and injustice long after the 8th of May. Those of us who were born here often do not have the imagination or the open heart with which to grasp the real meaning of their harsh fate.
But soon there were great signs of readiness to help. Many millions of refugees and expellees were taken in who over the years were able to strike new roots. Their children and grandchildren have in many different ways formed a loving attachment to the culture and the homeland of their ancestors. That is a great treasure in their lives. But they themselves have found a new home where they are growing up and integrating with the local people of the same age, sharing their dialect and their customs. Their young life is proof of their ability to be at peace with themselves. Their grandparents or parents were once driven out; they themselves, however, are now at home.
Very soon and in exemplary fashion the expellees identified themselves with the renunciation of force. That was no passing declaration in the early stages of helplessness but a commitment which has retained its validity. Renouncing the use of force means allowing trust to grow on all sides; it means that a Germany that has regained its strength remains bound by it. The expellees' own homeland has meanwhile become a homeland for others. In many of the old cemeteries in Eastern Europe you will today find more Polish than German graves. The compulsory migration of millions of Germans to the West was followed by the migration of millions of Poles and, in their wake, millions of Russians. These are all people who were not asked, people who suffered injustice, people who became defenceless objects of political events and to whom no compensation for those injustices and no offsetting of claims can make up for what has been done to them.
Renouncing force today means giving them lasting security, unchallenged on political grounds, for their future in the place where fate drove them after the 8th of May and were they have been living in the decades since. It means placing the dictate of understanding above conflicting legal claims. That is the true, the human contribution to a peaceful order
in Europe which we can provide.
The new beginning in Europe after 1945 has brought both victory and defeat for the notion of freedom and self-determination. Our aim is to seize the opportunity to draw a line under a long period of European history in which to every country peace seemed conceivable and safe only as a result of its own supremacy, and in which peace meant a period of
preparation for the next war.
The nations of Europe love their homeland.
（ヨーロッパの諸国民は、彼らの祖国を愛します。）
The Germans are no different.
（ドイツ人も、まったく同様です。）
Who could trust in a nation's love of peace if it were capable of forgetting its homeland?（祖国を忘れ去ることができるなら、国の平和に対する愛情を、一体誰が信頼することができるのでしょうか？）
No, love of peace manifests itself precisely in the fact that one does not forget one's homeland and is for that very reason resolved to do everything in one's power to live together with others in lasting peace.
（いいえ、平和に対する愛情は、人がその祖国を忘れ去りえないという事実、恒久平和のうちに他者と共に生きるためにありとあらゆる決意するという事実、まさにそれ自身によってはっきりと示されるのです。）
An expellee's love for his homeland is in no way revanchism.
The last war has aroused a stronger desire for peace in the hearts of men than in times past. The work of the churches in promoting reconciliation met with a tremendous response. The "Aktion Sühnezeichen", a campaign in which young people carry out atonement activity in Poland and Israel, is one example of such practical efforts to promote understanding. Recently, the town of Kleve on the lower Rhine received loaves of bread from Polish towns as a token of reconciliation and fellowship. The town council sent one of those loaves to a teacher in England because he had discarded his anonymity and written to say that as member of a bomber crew during the war he had destroyed the church and houses in Kleve and wanted to take part in some gesture of reconciliation. In seeking peace it is a tremendous help if, instead of waiting for the other to come to us, we go towards him, as this man did.
In the wake of the war, old enemies were brought closer together. As early as 1946, the American Secretary of State, James F. Byrnes, called in his memorable Stuttgart address for understanding in Europe and for assistance to the German nation on its way to a free and peaceable future. Innumerable Americans assisted us Germans, who had lost the war, with their own private means so as to heal the wounds of war. Thanks to the vision of the Frenchmen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman and their co-operation with Konrad Adenauer, the traditional enmity between the French and Germans was buried forever.
A new will and energy to reconstruct Germany surged through the country.. Many an old trench was filled in, religious differences and social strains were defused. People set to work in a spirit of partnership.
There was no "zero hour", but we had the opportunity to make a fresh start. We have used this opportunity as well as we could.
We have put democratic freedom in the place of oppression. Four years after the end of the war, on this 8th of May in 1949, the Parliamentary Council adopted our Basic Law. Transcending party differences, the democrats on the Council gave their answer to war and tyranny in Article 1 of our Constitution: "The German people acknowledge inviolable and inalienable human rights as the basis of any community, of peace and of justice in the world." This further significance of 8 May should also be remembered today.
The Federal Republic of Germany has become an internationally respected State. It is one of the most highly developed industrial countries in the world. It knows that its economic strength commits it to share responsibility for the struggle against hunger and need in the world and for social adjustment between nations. For 40 years we have been living in
peace and freedom, to which we, through our policy in union with the free nations of the Atlantic Alliance and the European Community, have ourselves rendered a major contribution. The freedom of the individual has never received better protection in Germany than it does today. A comprehensive system of social welfare that can stand comparison with any other ensures the subsistence of the population. Whereas at the end of the war many Germans tried to hide their passports or to exchange them for another one, German nationality today is highly valued.
We certainly have no reason to be arrogant and self-righteous. But we may look back with gratitude on our development over these 40 years, if we use the memory of our own history as a guideline for our future behaviour.
– If we remember that mentally disturbed persons were put to death in the Third Reich, we will see care of people with psychiatric disorders as our own responsibility.
– If we remember how people persecuted on grounds of race, religion and politics and threatened with certain death often stood before the closed borders with other countries, we shall not close the door today on those who are genuinely persecuted and seek protection with us.
– If we reflect on the penalties for free thinking under the dictatorship, we will protect the freedom of every idea and every criticism, however much it may be directed against ourselves.
–Whoever criticizes the situation in the Middle East should think of the fate to which Germans condemned their Jewish fellow human beings, a fate that led to the establishment of the State of Israel under conditions which continue to burden people in that region even today.
– If we think of what our Eastern neighbours had to suffer during the war, we will find it easier to understand that accommodation and peaceful neighbourly relations with these countries remain central tasks of German foreign policy. It is important that both sides remember and that both sides respect each other. Mikhail Gorbachov, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, declared that it was not the intention of the Soviet leaders at the 40th anniversary of the end of the war to stir up anti-German feelings. The Soviet Union, he said, was committed to friendship between nations. Particularly if we have doubts about Soviet contributions to understanding between East and West and about respect for human rights in all parts of Europe, we must not ignore this signal from Moscow. We seek friendship with the peoples of the Soviet Union.
Forty years after the end of the war, the German nation remains divided.
At a commemorative service in the Church of the Holy Cross in Dresden held in February of this year, Bishop Hempel said: "It is a burden and a scourge that two German States have emerged with their harsh border. The very multitude of borders is a burden and a scourge. Weapons are a burden."
Recently in Baltimore in the United States, an exhibition on "Jews in Germany" was opened. The Ambassadors of both German States accepted the invitation to attend. The host, the President of the Johns Hopkins University, welcomed them together. He stated that all Germans share the same historical development. Their joint past is a bond that links them. Such a bond, he said, could be a blessing or a problem, but was always a source of hope.
We Germans are one people and one nation.
（我々ドイツ人は、一つの民族、一つの国家です。）
We feel that we belong together because we have lived through the same past. We also experienced the 8th of May 1945 as part of the common fate of our nation, which unites us. We feel bound together in our desire for peace. Peace and good neighbourly relations with all countries should radiate from the German soil in both States. And no other states should let that soil become a source of danger to peace either. The people of Germany are united in desiring a peace that encompasses justice and human rights for all peoples, including our own. Reconciliation that transcends boundaries cannot be provided by a walled Europe but only by a continent that removes the divisive elements from its borders. That is the exhortation given us by the end of the Second World War. We are confident that the 8th of May is not the last date in the common history of all Germans.
Many young people have in recent months asked themselves and us why such animated discussions about the past have arisen 40 years after the end of the war. Why are they more animated than after 25 or 30 years? What is the inherent necessity of this development?
It is not easy to answer such questions. But we should not seek the reasons primarily in external influences. In the life-span of men and in the destiny. of nations, 40 years play a great role. Permit me at this point to return again to the Old Testament, which contains deep insights for every person, irrespective of his own faith. There, 40 years frequently
play a vital part. The Israelites were to remain in the desert for 40 years before a new stage in their history began with their arrival in the promised land. 40 years were required for a complete transfer of responsibility from the generation of the fathers.
Elsewhere, too (in the Book of Judges), it is described how often the memory of experienced assistance and rescue lasted only for 40 years. When thar memory faded, tranquillity was at an end. 40 years invariably constitute a significant time-span. Man perceives them as the end of a dark age bringing hope for a new and prosperous future, or as the onset of danger that the past might be forgotten and a warning of the consequences. It is worth reflecting on both of these perceptions. In our country, a new generation has grown up to assume political responsibility. Our young people are not responsible for what happened over forty years ago. But they are responsible for the historical consequences.
We in the older generation owe to young people not the fulfilment of dreams but honesty. We must help younger people to understand why it is vital to keep memories alive. We want to help them to accept historical truth soberly, not one-sidedly, without taking refuge in utopian doctrines, but also without moral arrogance. From our own history we learn what man is capable of. For that reason we must not imagine that we are quite different and have become better. There is no ultimately achievable moral perfection. We have learned as human beings, and as human beings we remain in danger. But we have the strength to overcome such danger again and again.
Hitler's constant approach was to stir up prejudices, enmity and hatred.
（ヒトラーの恒常的なアプローチは、偏見、敵意と憎悪をかき混ぜることでした。）
What is asked of young people today is this: do not let yourselves be forced into enmity and hatred of other people, of Russians or Americans, Jews or Turks, of alternatives or conservatives, blacks or whites. Let us honour freedom. Let us work for peace. Let us respect the rule of law.
Let us be true to our own conception of justice. On this 8th of May, let us face up as well as we can to the truth.
（写真：ラスク書簡）
1951年8月10日 国務次官補（ラスク）から韓国大使への回答
草案第２条（ａ）を日本が「朝鮮並びに済州島、巨文島、鬱陵島、ドク島及びパラン島を含む日本による朝鮮の併合前に朝鮮の一部であった島々に対するすべての権利、権原及び請求権を、１９４５年８月９日に放棄したことを確認する」と改訂するという韓国政府の要望に関しては、合衆国政府は、遺憾ながら当該提案にかかる修正に賛同することができません。
合衆国政府は、１９４５年８月９日の日本によるポツダム宣言受諾が同宣言で取り扱われた地域に対する日本の正式ないし最終的な主権放棄を構成するという理論を条約がとるべきだとは思いません。
ドク島、又は竹島ないしリアンクール岩として知られる島に関しては、この通常無人島である岩島は、我々の情報によれば朝鮮の一部として取り扱われたことが決してなく、１９０５年頃から日本の島根県隠岐支庁の管轄下にあります。この島は、かつて朝鮮によって領土主張がなされたとは思われません。
原文抜粋
『 As regards the island of Dokdo, otherwise known as Takeshima or Liancourt Rocks, this normally uninhabited rock formation was according to our information never treated as part of Korea and, since about 1905, has been under the jurisdiction of the Oki Islands Branch Office of Shimane Prefecture of Japan. The island does not appear ever before to have been claimed by Korea. 』
（GHQが書いた現憲法の原案）
CONSTITUTION OF JAPAN
We, the Japanese People, acting through our duly elected representatives in the National Diet, determined that we shall secure for ourselves and our posterity the fruits of peaceful cooperation with all nations and the blessings of liberty throughout this land, and resolved that never again shall we be visited with the horrors of war through the action of government, do proclaim the sovereignty of the people's will and do ordain and establish this Constitution, founded upon the universal principle that government is a sacred trust the authority for which is derived from the people, the powers of which are exercised by the representatives of the people, and the benefits of which are enjoyed by the people; and we reject and revoke all constitutions, ordinances, laws and rescripts in conflict herewith.
Desiring peace for all time and fully conscious of the high ideals controlling human relationship now stirring mankind, we have determined to rely for our security and survival upon the justice and good faith of the peace-loving peoples of the world. We desire to occupy an honored place in an international society designed and dedicated to the preservation of peace, and the banishment of tyranny and slavery, oppression and intolerance, for all time from the earth. We recognize and acknowledge that all peoples have the right to live in peace, free from fear and want.
We hold that no people is responsible to itself alone, but that laws of political morality are universal; and that obedience to such laws is incumbent upon all peoples who would sustain their own sovereignty and justify their sovereign relationship with other peoples.
To these high principles and purposes we, the Japanese People, pledge our national honor, determined will and full resources.
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